Repressive Political Communication through Legal Products to Preserve Ideology of Jokowi's Government

The fundamental value of democracy is civil liberties to express an opinion, assembly, and organization. Data from various institutions observing Indonesian democracy show that since Jokowi's leadership, Indonesia has had problems with civil liberties, from previously free to partly free, thus falling into the flawed category of democracy. The decline in civil liberties was triggered by the Jokowi administration's repressive political communications manifested in the form of repressive legal products. These repressive legal products are used to suppress critical opposition groups who are at odds with the Jokowi administration. This study uses a critical paradigm based on qualitative methods that utilize the theory of Political Discourse Analysis (PDA). The research objective is to reveal the various repressive legal products of the Jokowi administration as well as to explain the context, history, power, and ideology behind the production of these repressive laws. The object of study related to repressive legal products is limited to online news published by media verified by the Press Council. The results of the study concluded that the Jokowi administration presented repressive legal products to perpetuate power and smooth the implementation of capitalist neoliberal ideology.


INTRODUCTION
Data on civil liberties during the presidency of President Joko Widodo has decreased. The Freedom House release states that there has been a decrease in the civil liberties index from free in 2006 to 2013 to partly free from 2014 to the present (Repucci 2020). Index from Freedom House (scale 0-10) is also used as a basis for distinguishing democratic or authoritarian countries. The Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) even assesses Indonesia's democracy in the category of flawed democracies. Worsening civil liberties in democratic countries because leaders implement minimalistic democracy (Møller and Skaaning 2013) because Jokowi is the type of developmentalist leader (Warburton 2016) who is more concerned with investing than implementing the substitution of democracy. guided democracy system by co-opting the new managerial class (priyayi) so that there was an authoritarian centralization (Fakih 1981). Soekarno's centralization and authoritarianism grew stronger towards the end of his leadership period. The impact of Soekarno's guided democracy application was the dissolution of the Indonesian Socialist Party (PSI) and the Masyumi Party in 1960 (Fakih 1981).
When the government regime changed to Orde Baru with Suharto as the central patronage, the state bureaucracy system was controlled by utilizing the legitimacy of the DPR and supported by military power as bureaucratic legitimacy and authority (Fakih 1981). Soeharto's authoritarian system with its repressive political communications has made an impression on the history of the Indonesian nation for approximately 32 years. Reformasi overthrew Soeharto but the euphoria was short lived.
After the reformation, the community hopes for Jokowi's figure because Jokowi as a leader not from the party's elite oligarchy ( (Mietzner 2015) and not from the military (Muhtadi 2015). He was born out of populism (Hamid 2014) although the 2014 presidential nomination was attacked by the tabloid Obor Rakyat of the People as Chinese descent (Tyson and Purnomo 2017) and pro-PKI (Barata and Simanjuntak 2019).
The public's trust was eventually hurt because Jokowi still couldn't be separated from the elite oligarchy. It happened because the expensive political system forces prospective nation leaders to collaborate with nominating oligarchs (Winters 2013). But Jokowi is a smart politician to take the momentum to win the sympathy of the people. It was proven from Solo with his phenomenal ESEMKA car (Fauzi 2018). Walaupun ada kesepakatan antar elite (Ferazia, Prayudi, and Afifi 2020) but Jokowi is still seen with grassroots.
The democratic system adopted by Indonesia has apparently not eliminated the repressive behavior of the state, even though the law explicitly states the order to guarantee civil liberties in opinion, assembly and association.
The Indonesian nation has the 1945 Constitution Article 28E Paragraph (3) states that everyone has the right to freedom of association, assembly and expression.
Apart from the 1945 Constitution, the Indonesian nation also has a legal basis in the form of MPR Decree Number XVII / MPR / 1998 Article 19 which states that,

| T h e J o u r n a l o f S o c i e t y and M e d i a 5 ( 1 )
"Everyone has the right to freedom of association, assembly and expression of opinion". These two basic foundations are spelled out in the operational law, namely the Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 9 of 1998 concerning Freedom to Express Opinions in Public.
The existence of legislation in democracy in Indonesia that has guaranteed civil liberties is not directly proportional to the improvement in guarantees of civil liberties. During the Jokowi administration, the trend of the civil liberties index consistently declined due to the issuance of laws, perppu and Joint Decree (SKB) which limited civil liberties and tended to be repressive. Repressive political communication with the issuance of repressive legal products that limit civil liberties will be taken said in this research. By utilizing the Political Discource Analysis (PDA) theory, researchers will find out what repressive legal products issued by the Jokowi government and why these can arise in relation to context, history, power, and ideology that influence the emergence of repressive legal products. With its power, the regime will carry out ideology (the fundamental belief of the group, (Dijk 2011) supported by conditioned legal products.
The use of PDA theory in this study received many inspiration from Teun van Dijk, Norman Fairclough, and Wodak. PDA integrates arguments in CDA (Fairclough, 2012). Therefore, the details of the important characteristics of CDA, namely action, context, history, power, and ideology ( van Dijk 1997); (Wodak 2009) are also important characteristics of PDA by adding political words to each of these characteristics so that it becomes political action, political context, political history, political power, and political ideology.
The framework in this study begins with the pattern of normal, reciprocal, neutral, and balanced political communication relationships between the ruling regime chosen through general elections and organizations, community groups or individual pressures of the government (rulers) (Lillaker 2006). The pattern of reciprocal relations that occurs in the Lilleker chart also does not explain the tools or media used to bridge political communication. Lilleker still sees the media as a neutral channel and the public as the object of political communication.  Table 1.

The Level of Political Communication Darren G. Lilleker tahun 2006
Meanwhile, in the study of the Jokowi administration's repressive political communication, it shows that the flow of political communication is carried out by means of or through the media of legal products from the ruling regime to critical opposition groups. The nature of communication is unidirectional, not neutral, and no longer balanced. Superior control is in the ruling regime to suppress critical opposition groups. The media and the public have taken sides in the ruling regime or critical opposition groups.  The novelty of this research is that the relationship of political communication that is built between the ruling regime (Jokowi's administration) and critical opposition groups run in one direction (not reciprocity), is not neutral, and is not balanced because it is related to the tools or media used in the form of legal products that are binding and used to oppress opposition groups. The Jokowi administration's repressive political communication against critical opposition groups is the result of this study.

METHOD
Research with this critical paradigm approach was conducted using qualitative methods. The data was taken from various texts that have been The editor in charge is not a political party administrator. 6. Have a capital of at least IDR 50,000,000 and the ability to carry out company activities for at least 6 months.
With the announcement from the Press Council, it was easier for researchers to determine which online media was used as the source of data in this study because its validity, credibility, and accountability had been tested. In addition, to ensure that the news on several online media is reliable information, the researcher cross-checks between media that have received the legitimacy of the Press Council so that the information that the researchers take is mu'tabar (calculated and trusted) information from various online media information.
Media coverage which is used as a source in this research is news from kompas.com (administrative and factual verified by the Press Council on 17-06-  The government's assessment unilaterally without giving HTI the opportunity to test it in the judiciary so that HTI can make a defense is an action that injures freedom of opinion, assembly, and organization carried out by state apparatus with a tyrannical power approach.

Clear indicators of violating and contradicting Pancasila and the 1945
Constitution are indeed very crucial as an objective basis for evaluating all activities, policies, and behavior of citizens or mass organizations in Indonesia because the Indonesian state is indeed formed from many differences united by deliberation to reach a consensus. Historically, the Pancasila principles which are the philosophy of our nation are the result of a compromise by the founders of the nation, which consisted of religious groups and national groups. The seven words in the Jakarta Charter, which were initially approved by BPUPKI, are still being rejected by groups outside of Islam. Finally, through discussions between the founding fathers of the nation, the Islamic group gave up the seven words "Divinity with the obligation to carry out the Islamic law of its adherents" to be replaced with the only Godhead for the sake of national unity and integrity.
The government must carry out a due process of law (legal test) so that if there are Ormas deemed to be endangering the state, the government can file a trial. This has been agreed upon since 1999 as a check and balance concept so that court. The issuance of the Perppu has the potential to be used by the authorities as an instrument to repress groups that are hostile to the government.  concerning Ormas, it requires a written warning for seven days. If within seven days the warning letter is ignored, it is followed by stage two, namely cessation of activities. After that, it can proceed with the revocation of legal entity status and dissolution.
The different choice of ways to disband the two Ormas shows that the government easily chooses the legal product it wants to repress Ormas, but the Ormas do not have the right to defend in court. This is of course a fundamental problem related to the rules on freedom of opinion, assembly and organization whose legal references both nationally and internationally are very clear. This type of repression has contributed to the decline in the Indonesian Democracy Index (IDI), which has been reflected in its decline since the beginning of Jokowi's administration.  (1) and Paragraph (3) issuance of the ITE Law is actually a guarantee of legal certainty for electronic information and transactions, but the empirical reality actually threatens and has the potential to suppress freedom of expression. Not infrequently, this law is also used as a political weapon to overthrow opponents and protect friends. This can be seen from the high number of reported cases in political years.
The flexibility of the ITE Law benefits pro-government people because they are not prosecuted and even prosecuted when they violate the ITE Law.   All of the data mentioned above are of the same type as those carried out by groups that criticize the government, but, unfortunately, there are differences in handling treatment in the realm of law. For groups that are anti-Jokowi's government, the process runs fast and the police are proactive, while in the case of community groups who are pro-Jokowi's government, the legal process is slow, runs in place, even the legal process does not continue.
From the two tables above, it can be seen that there are differences in the treatment of the government or law enforcement agencies on cases committed by groups critical of Jokowi's administration and groups that are pro-Jokowi's administration. If the report is against a government critic, the police will immediately proceed to imprisonment. Meanwhile, reports on the pro-government group, the police were not processed or SP3-issued. Yet if we look at the values of Pancasila, civil society that is not given the mandate to hold power must get maximum service and protection in the legal process.  The second approach is criminal acts that have the potential to divide the nation (disintegration and intolerance), namely crimes that contain elements of SARA, hatred against groups or religions and racial and ethnic discrimination. The polemic that has been criticized by many community groups is the fifth point of the decree which contains 11 types of violations, namely:  2. Delivering opinions both orally and in writing in the format of text, images, audio, or video, through social media that contains hate speech against one ethnic group, religion, race, and between groups; 3. Dissemination of hate speech as numbers 1 and 2 through social media (share, broadcast, upload, retweet, repost, and   Actually, the government does not need to issue a decree on handling radicalism in ASN because: 1. With regard to hate speech, the government already has Article 28 Paragraph 2 of the ITE Law on hate speech (although like the previous discussion, researchers also note that the implementation of the ITE Law by law enforcement officials still tends to be used to suppress groups that are opposed to the government) . The government should concentrate on improving the content of the ITE Law if it is deemed not comprehensive. The government should pay attention to this overlap of regulations so that legal products in Indonesia are simpler, more efficient, and more credible. The existence of quality legal products in terms of political communication will also increase the authority of government personnel.
2. Regarding supervision, the government actually already has institutions that can enforce thisbut. Maximizing the inspectorate in each ministry, the ASN Commission, and the Ombusman must be prioritized by the government rather than building a new system which is actually the task of an existing institution.
If it is felt that an existing institution is not functioning properly, there must be an evaluation of the institution so that it can be decided whether the institution needs to be dissolved or can still be repaired. Determining the benchmarks for the success of a supervisory institution is important from the point of view of government political communication so that the public also understands that an institution that is paid from public money is functioning optimally or not.
3. Government personnel in a democracy are designed to be evaluated. This means of evaluation has been provided with elections every five years or Constitutional Law Expert Bivitri Savitri explained that the Omnibus Law is a law designed to target major issues in a country by revoking or amending several laws. This law is intended to streamline regulation in terms of numbers.
This step is in line with Jokowi's developmental type of leadership (Warburton 2016). Jokowi will focus on achieving rapid economic growth and tend to ignore or eliminate the inhibiting factors. The omnibus law was made to facilitate foreign investment, which has been experiencing difficulties related to licensing that is complicated, numerous, and long. Jokowi and his economic team firmly believe that attracting foreign investors to Indonesia is the fastest way to increase national economic growth.
There are at least 82 laws and 1,194 articles that will be harmonized with Research and innovation support 7. Government administration 8. Imposition of sanctions 9. Control land 10. Ease of government projects 11. Special Economic Zones (KEK).
The government's move, which wants to move quickly to complete the Omnibus Law Work Creation Law without opening dialogue and giving space to various key stakeholders, seems to be a hassle for the government and creates a negative stigma that the government is running a closed, authoritarian and collusive elite state system. for the issue of polity (the interest of the masses), the government should have opened up discursive space (Nugroho 2017). Initially, the process of drafting the Omnibus Law Bill which was closed with the work team was dominated by entrepreneurs without involving any element of labor.
After being busy in the public, three large labor unions suddenly joined the draft review team. Even though the labor union firmly rejects the regulation which is considered to be detrimental to the workers.
Several labor unions that have joined the Omnibus Law technical team formed by the Minister of Manpower decided to leave the team (tempo. co, 2020).
KSPI President Said Iqbal stated that KSPI and several labor unions had left the team. The team was formed to discuss the labor cluster in the Job Creation Bill which was rejected by the workers, but the labor union group was disappointed because its recommendations were not accommodated in the revision of the draft bill. Worried that they would only be used as government legitimacy that workers had participated in the discussion even though the recommendations were not accommodated, the labor group chose to leave the team.
Some labor losses due to the Job Creation Law include: first, the city or district minimum wage is in danger of being lost. Article 88C of the draft bill states that the governor sets the minimum wage as a safety net. Paragraph 2 further explains that the minimum wage as mentioned above is the provincial minimum wage (UMP). In other words, this rule allows a wage scheme by eliminating the district or city minimum wage (UMK), district or city sectoral minimum wages (UMSK), and making the UMP the only reference for the amount of the salary value. This will certainly be detrimental to workers who have been referring to the UMK which is already higher than the UMP. Second, the amount of layoff severance is reduced. (1) Submission of part of the work implementation to another company is carried out through a written agreement for work contracting. Paragraph (2) regulates; (2) the work that can be submitted to another company as meant in paragraph (1) must meet the following requirements: carried out separately from the main activity; carried out by direct or indirect orders from the employer; is a company supporting activity as a whole; and does not directly hinder the production process. Economic actors in Indonesia, who are still dominated by the old faces of national entrepreneurs, are not only able to adapt to a corrupt environment but can also exploit that environment to maximize profits. Employers admit that the barriers to investment are burdensome tax laws and expensive labor that is difficult to fire.
The government's statement that bureaucracy is complicated and corruption is a barrier to investment is an excuse to divert public attention to efforts to change labor regulations that are considered burdensome. The government and the business world want to make a labor supply that is cheap and easy to regulate and dismiss, not on the presence or absence of accountability and transparency in the business world. billion to pay for influencers whose use was spread across various ministries (kompas.com, 2020). The data was collected through the Electronic Procurement Service (LPSE) on August 14-18, 2020.
Researchers consider that the government is repressive in producing legal products due to the government's rush to complete the Job Creation Law and ignores protests from affected community groups, especially workers. It does not stop there, to seek legitimacy from the community, the government responds to criticism by paying influencers who have many followers in the hope of winning opinions in the media and constructing society to support the Job Creation Law.
Of course, these are typically practical steps to win public opinion in this digital era. The government has been trapped in winning the narrative quantitatively and ignoring the quality of public dialogue in responding to legal products concerning crucial public issues.

CONCLUSION
The Jokowi administration's repressive political communication through legal products is an attempt to maintain power and smooth out the neoliberal capitalist economic ideology. According to (Power 2018